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To the barricades!

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Power to the people!

The #rebootbritain hashtag on Twitter went haywire on Monday as over 700 people attended the event – I spent over an hour on Tuesday night searching through it and the earliest session I could get to in that time was a 4pm one – it actually challenged #michaeljackson for prominence on Twitter’s trending indicator.

Because I organised six of these sessions, I was confined to them and missed some other attractive ones. Of the six, the session of that I may have the most notable outcome was the one I helped Tim Davies to put together. He’s detailed it here, and the whole enterprise is a tribute to his imagination and industry.

If there’s one thing that I think Tim and I totally agree upon, it’s that these questions have a strongly political nature. They’re not simply neutral bureaucratic or managerial issues (indeed bureaucratic neutrality isn’t a notion that stands much examination, is it?)

To underline this, we jointly organised a session entitled ‘Political Theory 2.0′ at Barcamp earlier this year.

I tried to illustrate the political nature behind the need for an ‘Interactive Charter’ a while ago here, and we tried to make the session one that was focused around campaigning rather than worrying around the details. Whenever people come together to discuss these things, I always get the sense that they’re dancing to the sterile box-ticking rhythm of middle-managers rather than addressing the real challenges (or, more simply, the big challenge) that we face.

It’s the insight that marked Marx, Churchill, Che Guevara, Margaret Thatcher, Lenin, Tony Blair and Genghis Khan from the rest of us:

You make nothing happen until powerful forces are more frightened of you than they are of the others.

How many reams of reports, pilots, guidance, assessments, audits, research papers, initiatives and written-up brainstorms have we read telling us what that the dogs in the street have known for a long time? Surely all of these exercises are examples of co-option into an incompatible agenda?

We simply say we want to make organisations that touch our lives more transparent, interactive and responsive. We could shorten that and say we want them to behave in a human way. It’s not an unreasonable or extreme demand.

We want them to talk to us, listen to us and reason with us. We want them to ignore us when we’re being petulant and stupid and we want them to notice when we mention something that they hadn’t though of.

They know they should do it. In some cases, they’ve known that they’ve had the means at their disposal to do it for some time. A handful want to do it but can’t face the internal aggro. We’ve spent the last six months drawing MPs accross the coals because we know that some of them will jump when we shout at them.

Now, the real challenge is in Whitehall and in the Town Halls. The permanent staff who will still be there when the politicians have been red-carded. The management consultants who have been able to use each contract they win to create two more for themselves.

The QUANGOs that spend eight-figure sums each year purely to detoxify decisions that politicians could take. The campaign groups that set the pace but mask their paymasters’ agendas that are not in the public interest.

It’s time that we forced all of these organisations to come clean. Addressing the fifty hurdles that have been identified will enable organisations to take a giant step towards that openness. It’s what Trotskyists used to call a ‘transitional demand.’

We won’t do this purely by reasoning with them. As the MySociety campaign on Parliamentary expenses showed, you have to give them nowhere to wriggle. There is no point at pitching this at middle managers. None of this will be achieved by a conventional get-together of egg-heads or clever geeks.Towards-an-Interactive-Charter-300x249

The only way to make organisations do this is to use a combination of carrot and stick to get the people at the top of organisations to make a decisive change that they can’t get water down when the heat is off.

And though I’m happy to frame it as a political question, I’m confident that it’s one that will find supporters and opponents in all of the major political parties.

At the meeting that we had on Monday, I believe that we resolved to collectively do the following:

  • Jointly check that the 50 Hurdles wiki is relevant and accurate – let’s get it right.
  • Jointly pull together all of these things that we’ve been saying to each other about how marvelous interactivity is and how many problems it can solve – and put it into a short businesslike document that is much harder to ignore.
  • Jointly think through the problems that a supportive big-wig would face and look at ways they can be overcome
  • Pull it all together into a charter that anyone at the top of an organisation can sign.

This document has to be a tool for those people who work in organisations that they’d like to change in this way. We’d like to use MixedInk to convene this charter and anyone can contribute. Tom Watson MP was at the session and he said that he would put down an early day motion (EDM) supporting the resulting document. By the autumn, we could have something that we can campaign around.

We can look at how we get those who describe their role as one of ‘leadership’ to publicly commit to an acceptable timescale – and monitor how they’re doing.

Because remember, comrades, that the great only appear great because we are on our knees. Let us rise!

PS: I hope that a journalist somewhere is watching how Andrew Stott sidesteps this question – it should provide the basis for quite a good Public Administration textbook!

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3 Comments

  1. Steph Gray says:

    Hmmm. I don’t see how the 50 hurdles square with your assertion that we need a ’strongly political’ response, unless we’re talking seriously small-p politics. This is technology adoption, not civil rights.

    Sure, we’re at the thin end of a curve, but we’re climbing fast. The ‘forces’ at play here are absolutely bureaucratic and the objections are typically petty, technical and practical rather than principled or philosophical. I’ve met people who say it’s hard to manage, risky or a waste of time, but I’ve yet to find anyone – especially anyone in a political position – who thinks there’s something fundamentally objectionable to government use of technology to engage with the public.

    My reading of the 50 hurdles is that there are lots of practical things delaying and frustrating the pioneers in this new field, and that these are so small, and so technical, that they can be fairly easily overcome if we pool our efforts and experiences.

    In my book, adoption of the tools certainly isn’t about fear or the control of power, though their use can indeed be democratising. I don’t see how making this a clash of cultures helps the cause – this is a time for big tent engagement.

  2. Paul Evans says:

    Sure. But it’s the priorities that are the political issue here. In recent years we’ve seen all of the governmental processes sucked into a managerial soup whereby politicians are unable to lead – instead, the best they can hope to do is to persuade departments to start a process which may or may not lead in a particular direction.

    For politicians, it’s about the outcome. For bureaucracies, it’s about the process. I’m not as convinced as you are that no-one involved in the process has a visceral objection to using technology to engage with the public – my current work in Northern Ireland has provided plenty of evidence that civil servants are often not convinced of something that politicians are convinced of – and that this proves to be the root of the delay.

    At a superficial level, imagine how easy it would be for a sitcom writer to get a lot of laughs out of a ‘Sir Humphrey’ figure being introduced to the idea that the minister was going to crowdsource a particular decision.

    But let’s leave that argument aside for now: the interactive charter is a tool that allows people to say ’sod the process – I don’t want to wait for you to spend five years showing me your working to prove that you agree with me while coming up with an outcome that I don’t recognise as the one I want.’

    Instead, it allows that person to have a ready outcome when they say ‘I want my organisation to have a more interactive capacity’. If anyone asks what they mean, they can say ‘we’re signing this charter and implementing it to a timetable – you’ll see what we mean once that’s done.’

    The commitment to interact has to be a political one. This idea gives tools to politicians..

  3. You’re both right, in a way. All innovations have unnecessary barriers put in their way, simply because they haven’t been done before by the organisation in question. So – choice-based letting and self-directed support, for example, both faced resistance that was, essentially, conservative.

    I don’t think we will need to man the barricades to get the Charter widely adopted (around local govt, at least). The issues that we need to deal with to get the Charter adopted (ie the arguments we will need to win) will be lower level and less fundamental than Paul might think. It’ll be mostly a case of dealing with questions along the lines of “yes I can see this is a good idea in principle and we don’t want to get left behind, but what about when our staff go off-message in one of those new-fangled Tweet things?”. The answers that will work best will be “trust us – suck it and see” …

    And once the Charter is adopted, there’s a vehicle for getting rid of the (mostly) absurd barriers in the way of interactivity.

    Then, through usage, the big issues about how politicians interact will begin to be writ large.

    A quiet revolution, if you will.

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